George Adney Payne: Music-hall guv’nor

by Bob Davenport

George Adney Payne (1847–1907)

 

You can go to the Theatre or Music Hall, and there your eyes can gaze upon the indecent dance, and there you can hear the filthy song, but unless you are born again, you can never see the glories of Heaven, and you will never hear the song of the redeemed. You may enter the swinging doors of the public house, and take the intoxicating cup as you stand in the way of sinners; you may enter that house which is the way to Hell, leading down to the chambers of death, but unless you are born again, you will never enter through the pearly gates into the city, and you will never meet with loved ones gone before..

That was the warning contained in This Way to the Pit of Hell, a leaflet written by Frederick Nicholas Charrington of the Tower Hamlets Mission, who had given up a lucrative position in the family brewery to devote himself to Christianity and the temperance movement.

‘Which shall conquer?’ An illustration from F. N. Charrington’s leaflet This Way to the Pit of Hell, showing a prospective music-hall client torn between ‘the sinful pleasures of this world’ offered by Satan and the crown of ‘the life that is now as well as that which is to come’ indicated by the angel. From F. N. Charrington, The Battle of the Music Halls (1885)

‘Charrington’s Moral Microscope’, a cartoon published during his music-hall campaign, from Guy Thorne, The Great Acceptance (1913)

In the early 1880s Charrington and his associates used to stand outside Lusby’s Music Hall and the adjoining Eagle Tavern in London’s Mile End Road, accosting would-be customers and passers-by and handing out copies of the leaflet. Trouble often ensued, and in February 1885 the music hall’s owners, Charles Crowder and George Adney Payne, sued Charrington, alleging that his activities constituted a public nuisance interfering with their private interests and that his leaflets constituted a slander upon their conduct of their business.

Mr Justice Chitty, who heard the case, ruled that Charrington’s activities were not a public nuisance, but he did find that This Way to the Pit of Hell libelled Crowder and Payne, whose business he declared to be orderly and well conducted, even though the hall’s manager and doorkeeper

assail [Charrington] with foul and filthy language and they have cursed him and they have sworn at him; they have assailed him with flour and with pease-pudding; they have knocked his hat off; they have kicked him, and the roughs from the hall have certainly made a dead set upon him … They have actually, some of them, thrown human filth from the windows. On one occasion, particularly, there was a violent attack made upon him; that is, in October 1883, and I am satisfied that that was an organised attack. He was driven across the road, and had to seek refuge in a police section house on the opposite side.

In August 1882 Payne himself had been fined £5 for throwing a quantity of red ochre over Charrington, though the conviction was later quashed on appeal.

Some years later, Payne commented:

I asked [Charrington] one day why he devoted all his attention to Lusby’s. Would he not like to give some other hall a turn? He told me frankly that he had no particular animus against Lusby’s. He was preaching a crusade against the halls, and must needs begin somewhere. ‘When I have shut you up,’ he said, ‘the rest will follow in their turn.’ It was very trying, but I am free to admit after all these years that Mr Charrington did some good. The knowledge of his vigilance made music hall proprietors more careful; and I will say this much to you with perfect assurance, that if you wish to see where loose women congregate, you will waste your time in visiting East-end music halls.

Adney Payne, as he was generally known, who is buried in St Pancras Cemetery, had been born on 26 January 1847, the son of Edward and Isabella Payne. Edward was then a quartermaster-sergeant in the Scots Greys stationed with the British army in Ireland – at the Curragh (in Co. Kildare) according to the show-business paper The Era in 1907, though Adney’s census records say he was born in Clonmel (in Co. Tipperary), where the regiment was stationed at about the right time, and the army did not have a permanent camp at the Curragh until 1855. Adney himself later joined the same regiment. He enjoyed regimental athletics, and became an excellent boxer and an expert swordsman.

By 1856 Edward Payne had left the army and was a beer retailer in Guilford Street, off Russell Square in London, where he remained till his death in 1890.

Adney Payne’s parents’ grave in St Pancras Cemetery. Payne’s fourth child, who died aged 2½, is buried with them.

 

 

When life in barracks eventually palled for Adney, he again followed in his father’s footsteps, and in December 1871 he was writing to the Kentish Mercury as manager of the Globe Tavern in Royal Hill, Greenwich:

Sir, – I think it only right to guard hotel and tavern keepers as to what may happen if they remonstrate with any gentlemen connected with the legal profession happening to overstep the bounds of prudence. A case has happened to me. A gentleman, celebrated for being connected with one of the all-absorbing topics in this Borough – came into the bar with more pomposity than is generally evinced by the legal profession. Having entered the coffee-room, he ordered supper, with which he was duly served; expressing dissatisfaction thereat in a somewhat peculiar manner, he was then refused further service. He has, in consequence of my refusing to put up with the aforesaid ‘peculiar’ language, served me with a copy of a writ in the Court of Common Pleas. I suppose, Sir, that the trade will be supplied on the same liberal terms.
Yours obediently,
GEORGE ADNEY PAYNE, Manager.
Globe Tavern, Royal Hill, Greenwich, S.E.

In April 1873 the Woolwich Gazette carried the following advertisement:

GUILDFORD ARMS,
GUILDFORD ROAD, SOUTH STREET, GREENWICH.
G. A. PAYNE
(Late Manager Globe Tavern)
Begs to inform his friends and the public that he has taken the
above establishment for the sale of Wines, Spirits, and Bottled Beer.
Having had considerable experience in the trade, and possessing
a knowledge of the best markets, he feels assured that all articles
supplied by him will give satisfaction and maintain the high
character which it has always been his study to deserve.
Family orders punctually attended to.

In January 1874 he took over the licence of the British Queen pub in Trafalgar Road, Greenwich, where the previous licensee had been Joseph Richard Dussee. One of his customers was Charles Crowder, who had been running the Rose and Crown pub (on the site of the current Greenwich Theatre) as a music hall. Crowder had his eye on Lusby’s, and proposed that he and Payne should run it together. They bought it for £25,000 – equivalent to about £3 million today – and in May 1878 The Era carried the following advertisement:

LUSBY’S SUMMER AND WINTER PALACE,
MILE-END-ROAD,
Mr. C. S. CROWDER,
Founder and Seven Years Sole Proprietor of
Crowder’s Music Hall, Greenwich,
begs to announce … that he has, in conjunction with
Mr. GEORGE ADNEY PAYNE,
late of the eminent Firm of Dussee and Payne, Wine Merchants, of Greenwich,
Purchased the entire Interest of Wm. Lusby, Esq.,
in the above Magnificent and Colossal Property,
and that they (Messrs Crowder and Payne)
will shortly take possession, and commence
the Direction and Management of this Superb Establishment.

Greenwich, May 19th, 1878.

Two months later The Era reported that Lusby’s – then showing The Daughters of Eve; or, the Carnival of Naples, a ballet with songs and comic business – was ‘large enough to garrison an army’, and the new owners intended ‘to construct an open-air promenade right round their huge Hall’. In August 1879 Lusby’s was being advertised as ‘The Largest, Coolest, and best Ventilated Hall in London’, with a ‘New promenade and entrance to stalls and boxes’.

In December 1880 the Entr’acte and Limelight (‘A Theatrical and Musical Critic and Advertiser’) noted that ‘Mr. George Adney Payne has been a fortunate man in divers ways, and now that Charrington and his congregation have offered up a special prayer for him, his cup of happiness should be overflowing.’ By April 1881, however, the prayers had ceased and the Entr’acte reported that Charrington found Payne a ‘tough and ungrateful subject’. In October 1881 Charrington was opposing the renewal of Lusby’s licence. One of his witnesses, the Hon. Ion Keith-Falconer, testified that he had been ‘outside the music-hall during the past year, and saw many women who, he should say, were not respectable persons. He had seen a good deal of light behaviour, laughing and glances.’ Charrington himself said that

he had formerly held services in the music-hall. He gave up the services about two years ago, and he found that so many complaints reached him from husbands whose wives had been ruined by their attendance there, from wives whose husbands had contracted acquaintance with fallen women, and from many parents whose daughters had been led by going there to lead a life of shame. He had himself taken the trouble to personally inquire into the matter, and in consequence of doing so he was threatened by the managers that if he hovered about the premises any more they would engage a number of roughs, who would surround him and ‘have his blood.’

The chief inspector of the K division of police, however, stated that ‘the hall was most respectably conducted, that only a small proportion of the audience consisted of fallen women, the majority of the audience being hard-working men and their wives, or young men and their sweethearts. He had never found it at all necessary to interfere, nor bad any complaints reached the police of the manner in which the hall was conducted.’ The magistrates voted for renewal of the licence, and did so again a year later (when The Wilds of Peckham Rye was in preparation there) when similar arguments were presented, and again in October 1883.

By the time the Charrington case came to court, the theatre that he had been picketing had in fact burned down, on 20 January 1884. But the celebrated theatre architect Frank Matcham was commissioned to design a replacement, and this opened on 21 May 1885, as the Paragon Theatre of Varieties.

An 1893 programme for the Paragon Theatre of Varieties (East London Theatre Archive)

 

After they had bought Lusby’s, Crowder was responsible for the acts and Payne for the catering – which made a major contribution to profits. But in time they found that the Paragon did not wholly occupy them, so in 1882 they took out a 21-year lease on the Canterbury Theatre of Varieties in Westminster Bridge Road, at a rent of £2,100 p.a., and set about improving on its recent lacklustre performance and getting rid of the local gang that blackmailed artistes to ensure a good reception.

The Canterbury Theatre of Varieties, designed by Albert Bridgman, from The Builder, 16 September 1876

 

When ill-health prompted Crowder’s retirement in 1887, the Canterbury and the Paragon were made into a limited company with Payne as its managing director. In 1890 the Canterbury was remodelled to designs of Frank Matcham, which included new tiers of boxes on each side of the proscenium and reconstruction of the balcony and gallery to improve their sight lines.

An 1893 Canterbury Theatre programme cover (Wikipedia)

 

The Tivoli music hall had opened in the Strand in 1890, but a year later it was struggling and Payne formed an alliance with Henry Newson-Smith of the London Pavilion to buy it when the mortgagees put it up for sale. Frank Matcham was again called in to remodel the interior, and another success ensued. Then in 1892 Payne and Newson-Smith’s syndicate acquired a long lease on the Oxford music hall, by the junction of Oxford Street and Tottenham Court Road. The old premises were demolished, and a new hall opened in January 1893. Later that year Payne joined the board of the New London Music Hall, which opened in Shoreditch on Boxing Day.

In 1895 his Bath and Bristol Theatres of Varieties Ltd took over the Bristol Empire (opening night on 28 October featured Little Tich and Fannie Leslie), and he added management of the South London Palace, in Southwark, newly acquired by the syndicate with Henry Newson-Smith, to his responsibilities at the Canterbury. He was also managing director of the Lyric Theatre of Varieties in Bath.

In August 1896 he became m.d. of the Tivoli etc. syndicate owing to Newsom-Smith’s continued ill-health. (He resigned as m.d. in October 1897 but remained on board as an ordinary director.) He was also a director of the rebuilt Metropolitan music hall (designed by Frank Matcham) in Edgware Road, which opened in December 1897.

In 1898 his interest in a new music hall in Euston Road led to fears of a conflict of interest and calls for his resignation from the syndicate, but these came to nothing.

The Euston Theatre of Varieties (at the junction of Euston Road and Tonbridge Street) c.1910 (Theatres Trust collection)

 

Payne had a reputation for presenting ‘attractive novelties’ for his audiences. One of his innovations at the Canterbury, in 1893, was a ‘kaleidoscope dance’ in which a continually changing design of coloured limelights was projected on to the flowing robes of the dancing ‘Empresses of the Serpentanic World’ during a ‘fantastic, demoniacal Japanese pantomime’ entitled Satan, Jun. In February 1895, after a flood of water into Audley colliery in Staffordshire had led to the death of 77 miners, he presented three men who had been involved in the rescue attempts, along with a boy who was among those rescued, in a dramatic recital of their actions, to raise funds for a widows and orphans appeal. R. W. Paul’s Theatrograph, an early form of cinema, was added to the bill at the Canterbury and the Paragon in April 1896, and ran at both houses for over a year.

R. W. Paul’s Theatrograph film of the Prince of Wales’s horse Persimmon winning the 1896 Derby (photographed by Birt Acres) was shown at the Canterbury Theatre in June that year

 

Payne’s eye for innovation was not limited to what appeared on stage. In 1896 he recognised the cycling boom – his daughters were ‘expert cyclists’ – by offering free storage for bicycles and tricycles at the Canterbury during performances. And in January 1902, when a smallpox epidemic had been running for some five months, The Era reported that ‘By the time these lines appear in print all the staff of the Paragon will be able to speak with authority as to how vaccination affects one. Mr G. Adney Payne has considered it advisable to take this precautionary measure with those in his employ there.’

He had become a Freemason in 1872, and in February 1882 he took over as the master of Doric Lodge No. 333. From 1881 to 1898 he was a member of the Hertfordshire Yeomanry, a light-cavalry army reserve unit, in which he won 30 prizes for best-turned-out man and horse and for sword exercise, as well as riding in Queen Victoria’s Diamond Jubilee procession in 1897, before retiring with the rank of sergeant-major. In May 1889 he was a founder of the Music Hall Benevolent Fund, and he became a fixture at its fund-raising annual sports day. In 1892 he stood as a Conservative candidate for the North Lambeth seat on the London County Council, but failed to get elected.

Members of the Hertfordshire Yeomanry in the late 1890s, from Navy and Army Illustrated, vol. 5 (1898), p. 282

 

In January 1897 his fiftieth birthday was celebrated with a dinner-dance at his home, Forest Lodge, in Tulse Hill. The guests included Dan Leno and Marie Lloyd, and Payne was toasted ‘with a florid eloquence in which the sublime predominated’ and presented with collections of standard works for his recently added library. (He also kept a houseboat and steam launch, The Sunbeam, on the Thames at Laleham.)

Music Hall congratulates Payne on his fiftieth birthday in January 1897, from Music Hall and Theatre Review, 29 January 1897

Payne’s house, Forest Lodge, in Tulse Hill, from Building News, 27 May 1898

 

On 10 September 1873 he had married Mary Ann Maisterson Ford, with whom he had six children, two of whom died young. (His son Adney Walter Payne was the dedicatee of Somerset Maugham’s first novel, Liza of Lambeth, in 1897, and shared a series of flats and houses with Maugham for the next twenty years.) Mary Ann died suddenly in August 1897, and in May 1898 Payne sold the house in Tulse Hill. He was living in Queen Anne’s Mansions in Petty France, Westminster, when, on 15 November 1898, he married again: to 31-year-old Clara Agnes Procter, née Pavey, a ‘well-known and fascinating burlesque actress’, as The Era described her, with the stage name of Ethel Earle. (In 1893 she had been a member of a banjo quartet that played in the Gaiety Theatre’s burlesque Don Juan.)

Ethel Earle (Clara Agnes Payne), from The Sketch, 5 December 1900. Her husband’s nickname for her was ‘Bill’.

Ethel’s first marriage had ended in 1888, after less than two years, with her husband divorcing her for adultery with two co-respondents. The wedding to Payne was to have taken place three days earlier than it did, and ’a big wedding breakfast had been ordered’; but, according to the New York Sunday Telegraph, a ‘disturber’ appeared on the scene ‘in the person of a variety performer who said things about Miss Earle to Mr. Payne which caused that gentleman to declare the engagement off. But Miss Earle wouldn’t have it so. She threatened suit for breach of promise and all sorts of things. Mr. Payne then changed his mind once again and the wedding took place quietly.’ They later lived at 79 Bedford Court Mansions.

In December 1902, however, Ethel petitioned for divorce, alleging that Payne had ‘habitually treated [her] with great neglect unkindness and cruelty and … constantly used foul and disgusting language towards her and falsely and maliciously accused her of infidelity’. She detailed instances of bad behaviour, and gave more information in the following month; but her petition appears to have gone no further, and it seems that the papers either did not get wind of it or chose not to report it. During a legal dispute about Payne’s estate after his death, it was reported that ‘For a great period of their married life [Payne and Ethel] lived on terms of mutual attachment, but owing to disagreements between Mr. Payne’s children and [Ethel] a quarrel ensued in December, 1902, and Mr. and Mrs Payne separated for a time, but were reconciled in January, 1903, and from that time, with the exception of one short interval, they had lived on terms of cordiality up to the time of Mr. Payne’s death.’

It has been suggested that Payne may have been something of a womaniser. In his book on the music hall the former prime minister John Major mentions a sketch in which a chorus girl tells a friend that she’s pregnant. ‘’Ad any pain?’ asks the friend. ‘Certainly not,’ says the pregnant girl. ‘It’s my boyfriend’s.’ But Major says he has been unable to corroborate such rumours, which he suggests may have been based on malice.

Adney Payne, from Music Hall and Theatre Review, 21 December 1900

The music-hall journalist H. G. Hibbert (who is buried in the Islington part of St Pancras & Islington Cemetery) recalled Payne as ‘a big, cavalry kind of man, to whom the greatest artist was “my lad,” and who was probably the last music hall magnate whom a hundred-guinea serio [serio-comic performer] respectfully but affectionately addressed as “Guv’nor”’. But as time went on such paternalistic attitudes – shared by many music-hall managers – became challenged by artistes’ growing desire for proper acknowledgement of their economic value.

From the 1880s, investment in lavishly appointed halls, the formation of booking circuits and the setting-up of public companies to raise funds from mainly middle-class investors led to relatively informal booking agreements being replaced by contracts whose terms performers resented. Especially contentious were the introduction of twice-nightly performances, often without extra pay, and the ‘barring clauses’ which sought to prevent artistes appearing at nearby rival halls in a specified period before or after a contracted engagement.

In January 1907 a ‘National Alliance’ representing the Variety Artists’ Federation, the Amalgamated Musicians’ Union and the National Association of Theatrical Employees produced a charter outlining their grievances and proposals for contract reform: no matinees without payment at any hall operating a two-houses-a-night system; no transfer of an artiste to another hall without consent; no altering the times of an artiste’s act without consent; no deductions of commissions or agent’s fees by managers; barring to be limited to halls within a mile of the one at which an artiste was engaged, and for not more than three months on either side of that engagement; the establishment of a board of conciliation. Minimum wages for musicians and stagehands were also to be agreed. When music-hall proprietors and managers declined to accept the charter’s conditions, a strike of artistes, musicians and stagehands began. The six halls managed by Walter Gibbons (who had married Payne’s daughter Nellie in 1902) were the first to be affected, on 21 January 1907, then Payne’s halls – which now also included the Brixton Empress, Chelsea Palace, East Ham Palace, Tottenham Palace and Walthamstow Palace – were targeted, followed by those of other proprietors. Marie Lloyd – who joined pickets attempting to stop managers putting on scratch programmes – was among the stars with enough clout to dictate their own terms who supported the strike in solidarity with colleagues with less bargaining power.

A flyer depicting music-hall managers searching for stars during the 1907 music-hall strike (Wikipedia)

 

Payne insisted that he would not sign the charter: ‘I represent something like a million of capital of various companies. How can I, as an an individual, on behalf of my companies and the shareholders, go and sign the charter and sell our birthright?’ he asked in the strike’s early days. Later he declared that ‘It is merely the spread of Socialism that has brought this situation about, and the performers seem tired of it.’

After various unsuccessful attempts to broker a peace deal, on 12 February it was agreed that the situation would be submitted to arbitration, and on 25 February the halls resumed their normal operation pending the arbitrator’s final judgement. When this came, on 14 June, the strikers were granted most of what they had asked for.

Before that, however, on 5 May, Ethel was driving her husband and two friends from the Paynes’ weekend home in Herne Bay, ‘St Malo’ (which he’d had built in 1897), when just outside Tunbridge Wells a cyclist emerged from a turning. Ethel – an experienced motorist who claimed to have driven about 11,000 miles and whom Payne often referred to as ‘Bill the chauffeur’ – swerved into a bank of earth to avoid him. The car overturned, and Payne was pinned underneath it. He was later found to have broken three ribs and to have internal injuries, but appeared to be recovering well at Mount Ephraim Hotel at Tunbridge Wells when on the morning of 9 May he suddenly began to breathe heavily and rapidly deteriorated. A doctor was called immediately, but a few minutes after his arrival Payne died. A clot of blood on the heart was given as the cause, and the subsequent inquest recorded a verdict of accidental death.

‘Learning to Drive. Mrs. Adney Payne, the wife of the music-hall manager, tackling the intricacies of the mechanism of a motor at the Institute of Chauffeurs, Ltd., 94, Victoria Street, Westminster, S.W.’, from The Bystander, 13 February 1907, p. 362

 

On 18 June 1907, after a service at the since demolished Christ Church, Woburn Square, Payne was buried in St Pancras Cemetery in a group of family graves which already contained his parents, his first wife, two of their children and a grandchild. Six open carriages were needed to carry the floral tributes, one of which, from the Variety Artists’ Federation, was in the form of a full-size harp, and another, in the form of a bleeding heart, bore a card saying ‘From his sorrowful wife, Ethel’. The Canadian music-hall comedian R. G. Knowles remembered Payne as ‘a tall, soldierly looking man with a genial manner. Never was a managing-director more approachable … and never was man more sincerely mourned.’ His estate was eventually valued at £47,895 12s. 5d. – equivalent to about £5.9 million today – and was left upon trust in equal shares for his children.

George Adney Payne’s grave in St Pancras Cemetery

 

POSTSCRIPT

Graham Hoadly – the first cousin three times removed of Adney Payne’s first wife – has very kindly satisfied my curiosity about what happened to Ethel after Payne’s death in 1907. It seems that, as Ethel Adney Payne, on 24 July 1909 she married 46-year-old John Ernest Jewell, a chemist, who had been one of the passengers in the car in the May 1907 accident that led to Adney’s death. Jewell’s first wife, the mother of their two daughters and a son, had petitioned for divorce on the grounds of desertion and adultery in October 1908, having previously sued him for restitution of conjugal rights in January 1908, and had obtained a final divorce five days before his marriage to Ethel. Ethel in her turn sued Jewell for restitution of conjugal rights in 1922, and for divorce in 1923, and he had fathered two more daughters with someone before his death in November 1925. His estate of £188,583 16s. 7d. – equivalent to nearly £12 million in 2020 – was left to these two children on condition that they married only natural-born British subjects; otherwise it would go to Dr Barnado’s Homes. Ethel returned to the stage: her last appearance noted in the British Newspaper Archives was in pantomime in Leeds in January 1927, when her performance of ‘A Rose in a Garden of Weeds’ won praise. She died in Herne Bay, Kent, on 12 December 1964, aged 97, and, as Clara Agnes Jewell, left an estate valued at £23,561 – equivalent to about £466,500 in 2020.

 

SOURCES

• Edward Almack, The History of the Second Dragoons ‘Royal Scots Greys’ (London: 1908)
Banjo World, Vol. 1, No. 1 (November 1893), p. 15
• John Barnes, The Beginnings of the Cinema in England, 1894–1901, vol. 1: 1894–1896 (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1998)
Birmingham Gazette and Express, 23 January 1907 (Marie Lloyd as picket)
• F. N. Charrington, The Battle of the Music Halls (London: Dyer Bros., 1885)
• Arthur Cochrane, ‘Charrington, Frederick Nicholas (1850–1936)’, rev. Mark Clement, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004
• Andrew Crowhurst, ‘The Music Hall, 1885–1922: The Emergence of a National Entertainment Industry in Britain’, PhD dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1992
—— ‘Payne, (George) Adney (1846–1907)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004
Daily Mirror, 23 January 1907 (stars’ support for strike)
Daily News, 16 October 1882 (conviction for throwing red ochre quashed), 16 May 1907 (’Mr Adney Payne Dead’), 20 May 1907 (funeral)
Daily Telegraph, 14 October 1882 (Lusby’s licence renewed), 16 May 1907 (‘Death of Mr. George Adney Payne’)
• John Earl and John Stanton, The Canterbury Hall and Theatre of Varieties (Cambridge: Chadwyck-Healey, 1982)
East London Observer, 9 August 1879 (‘The Largest, Coolest, and best Ventilated Hall in London’), 18 February 1882 (master of Doric Lodge), 4 November 1882 (The Wilds of Peckham Rye)
Entr’acte and Limelight, 18 December 1880 (Charrington prayers for Payne), 2 April 1881 (prayers cease; Payne in Herts Yeomanry), 28 October 1882 (The Wilds of Peckham Rye), 6 March 1897 (building house in Herne Bay)
The Era, 19 May 1878 (Lusby’s bought by Crowder and Payne), 14 July 1878 (‘large enough to garrison an army’), 4 August & 21 October 1882 (red ochre thrown), 13 February & 12 March 1892 (stands for LCC), 11 August 1894 (‘A Chat with Mr. Adney Payne’: on Charrington and Lusby’s), 19 November 1898 (‘fascinating burlesque actress’), 15 April and 5 August 1893 (kaleidoscope dance), 16 February 1895 (‘attractive novelties’; Audley colliery rescuers), 2 May 1896 (bicycles stored free), 9 May 1896 (daughters ’expert cyclists’), 27 June 1896 (houseboat), 25 December 1897 (new Metropolitan opens), 28 May 1898 (Forest Lodge sold), 12 August 1899 (retired from Yeomanry in previous year), 18 January 1902 (vaccination at the Paragon), 18 May 1907 (obituary and inquest), 25 May 1907 (funeral), 5 January 1927 (‘A Rose in a Garden of Weeds’)
Evening Standard, 31 July & 5 August 1882 (fined for throwing red ochre), 13 October 1883 (licence renewal)
• ‘The First Permanent Camp’, The Curragh of Kildare: The Curragh History Website
The Globe, 23 January 1907 (‘sell our birthright’)
Hackney and Kingsland Gazette, 19 October 1881 (‘laughing and glances’)
• H. G. Hibbert, Fifty Years of a Londoner’s Life (London: Grant Richards and New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1916)
• ’History of the Music-Hall War’, Stage Year Book 1908, ed. L Carson (London: Carson & Comerford, 1908)
Kentish Independent, 17 January 1874 (‘Blackheath Petty Sessions’)
Kentish Mercury, 9 December 1871 (‘To the Bitter End’)
• R. G. Knowles, A Modern Columbus: His Voyages, His Travels, His Discoveries (London: T. Werner Laurie [1915])
• John Major, My Old Man: A Personal History of Music Hall (London: Harper Press, 2012)
Manchester Guardian, 6 February 1909 (Payne’s will)
• Jeffrey Meyers, Somerset Maugham: A Life (New York: Alfred Knopf, 2004)
Music Hall and Theatre Review, 17 January 1896 (Lyric Theatre, Bath), 12 June 1896 (Theatrograph film of the Derby), 24 July 1896 (houseboat), 29 January 1897 (fiftieth birthday), 29 October 1897 (resigns as m.d. of syndicate), 29 April 1898 (Euston Theatre of Varieties), 13 July 1900 (founder of Music Hall Benevolent Fund), 4 October 1901 (blackmailers of artistes)
New York Dramatic Mirror, 3 December 1898 (‘George Adney Payne Married’)
Pall Mall Gazette, 23 April 1898 (Euston Theatre of Varieties), 4 February 1907 (‘the spread of Socialism’)
• ‘The Paragon Theatre’ at ArthurLloyd.co.uk
Payne (Clara Agnes) v. Payne (George Adney), divorce court file 3497, High Court of Justice Probate, Divorce and Admiralty Division, petition filed 17 December 1902
The People, 16 October 1881 (‘have his blood’, ‘most respectably conducted’)
Procter v. Procter, Alexander & Haxell, divorce court file 1336, High Court of Justice Probate, Divorce and Admiralty Division, petition filed 24 January 1887
• Pub wiki: ‘British Queen, 208 Trafalgar Road, Greenwich
The Referee, 30 August 1896 (becomes m.d. of the syndicate)
Reynolds Newpaper, 16 October 1881 (renewal of Lusby’s licence)
• Lois Rutherford, ‘“Managers in a small way”: The Professionalisation of Variety Artistes, 1860–1914’, in Peter Bailey (ed.), Music Hall: The Business of Pleasure (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1986)
Sporting Gazette, 16 April 1898 (Euston Theatre of Varieties)
The Stage, 7 January 1897 (fiftieth birthday on 26 January)
Sunday Telegraph (New York), 20 November 1898 (‘Adney Payne’s Matrimonial Experience’)
• Guy Thorne, The Great Acceptance: The Life Story of F. N. Charrington (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 6th edn, 1913)
The Times, 4 & 21 March 1885 (‘High Court of Justice: Crowder v. Charrington’), 13 January 1902 (‘Smallpox and Fever in London’), 5 November 1908 (‘reconciled in January, 1903’), 6 November 1908 (wife referred to as ‘Bill’)
• United Grand Lodge of England Freemason Membership Registers, 1751–1921 at ancestry.com
Woolwich Gazette, 26 April 1873 (‘Guildford Arms’)